The promises and the policies, the personalities elected, even the potential political punch-ups at Mangaung are basically irrelevant.

The centennial conference of the ANC will doubtless end with the usual fanfare and pledges of unity despite obvious deep-seated divisions promoted as diversity.

There will also be the usual slew of promises about policies to cure poverty and the lack of jobs.

And all of this will not really matter because the ANC will have missed an opportunity to take a major step into its next century.

This could only have been by seriously discussing a radical move toward a new political dispensation; without a move in this direction nothing will change and the ANC will cease to be a way to a better future.

And, unless a new and more democratic formation emerges, the social fabric of the country will continue to fray and tear, causing further moves towards repression.

Because it is only through repression that political parties and the governments they control in the present dispensation can keep eruptions of popular
dissent in check.

It is these “unrest incidents”, manifest most dramatically in recent times at Marikana and on the farms of the Boland that have increased the widespread calls for “social
cohesion”, and for citizens to become more involved in in the affairs of the country.

But such involvement requires democratic control that is impossible under the
present dispensation.

Because it is a simple fact that we do not have a democratic political system.

Placing a cross on a ballot paper every five years in order to hand over political control to a party bureaucracy is democratic only in that voters willingly forgo the potential power they, collectively, have. It is, in effect, fraudulent democracy.

A constituency system is marginally better, but unless the authority is vested, on an ongoing basis, with the majority of citizens, what we have, at best, is limited or partial democracy.

The interests of politicians, many of whom move seamlessly from political office to the boardrooms of big business, lie not with the voters, but with party bureaucracies.

These bureaucracies, in turn, rely for much of their funding on the financial elites whose fundamental interests are diametrically opposed to those of the majority of the population.

And they who pay the piper tend always to call the tune.

So, in order to have the best chance of achieving egalitarian goals such as those set out in the South African Bill of Rights, democracy should be realised to its fullest extent; rule by the people, the definition of the term given to the world by Athenian
Greece, should be implemented. In simple terms: let the people decide.

The only questions that arise, are: is this possible and, if so, how can it be achieved?

Since systems of direct democracy have existed in the past, usually on a village level, both in Africa and elsewhere, the possibility exists.

Co-operative governance, ithout chiefs or hereditary rulers, has been practiced in areas as diverse as the
Eastern Cape and Iceland. Regular assemblies, in many cases admittedly only of
men, would be called to discuss and decide, as equals, policies to be implemented
and on actions to be taken by the community and for the community.

Where necessary, representatives, wholly accountable to, and recallable by, the
community would be elected to carry out specific functions. Their pay and
conditions of employment would also be decided by the community. This is real
democracy in action and should be the goal aimed at by every person laying claim to
be a democrat.

Communication is obviously the essence here and it is readily pointed out that
millions of people can hardly be gathered together on a regular basis to discuss and
make decisions; that the partial democracy we now see around the world, in one
form or other, is the only answer.

It is not. Courtesy of the very technology, that has made increasing millions of men and women redundant as workers, rather than
freeing them from drudgery, it is perfectly feasible for every citizen to be kept
informed, to discuss all issues and to decide on appropriate actions.

As we are constantly reminded: we live in a world village. But it is a village in
ongoing crisis where the management structures — the governments — of a system
based on competition and the pursuit of profit as an end in itself pay lip service to
democratic principles.

Solutions are sought in economic policy, in greater or lesser regulation of national or international economies. But without changing the political
framework, this amounts only to variations on the same theme that has now clearly
outlived its usefulness to humanity.

Yet the technological advances that are now proving harmful could equally be
immensely beneficial. Cell phones and the internet connect even the most remote
communities — and South Africa is no exception. The latest survey, published this
month, has revealed that more than 12 million South African adults regularly access
the internet.

These are people who are members of various organisations such as trade unions,
religious communities, stokvels and other groups — even political parties — that
come together regularly. There is also, especially in the Eastern Cape, a move toward
community “hubs” in the form of community schools. So units large and small of
what could be a coalition of citizens already exists, along with the technology to link

What is required is organisation within an agreed framework and on the basis of a set
of goals and code of conduct. The goals and the principles of conduct — effectively
a political programme — exist in the Bill of Rights. Using existing social structures
or setting up new ones in neighbourhoods or wherever, citizens can come together as embers of a coalition of equals to debate and decide on all matters concerning

This will require that elected representatives of such groups, at all levels, should be
both accountable to, and recallable by, their constituencies. In the case of parliament,
for example, this would mean each nominated candidate signing a legal agreement to
accept the conditions imposed by the constituency.

Ideally, constituencies should be clearly defined and candidates for office should be
selected by coalition members in each constituency. However, because we are
constrained by the present list system, with constituencies arbitrarily defined by
political parties after the event, it will be necessary to adapt to this until change can
be introduced.

This means a “citizens’ coalition” putting up candidates for office who are broadly
acceptable to voters in different regions and who are prepared to sign “constituency
agreements” whereby they agree to be wholly accountable to, and recallable by, the
constituents to whom they are allocated.

The proportion of votes for such a citizens’ coalition in various regions should determine the boundaries of “constituencies” and
who should represent them.

Because every individual has an individual ID number, there can be little chance of
duplicate membership or voting. A trade unionist, for example, may choose to be a
member of a trade union unit of the coalition or of a religious, community or other
grouping. Only in the unit where the coalition member is registered may a vote be

To get such a system underway in the present conditions will perhaps require
representatives from major social organisations such as trade unions, religious groups
and community structures to come together to finalise the organisational details.

These could be presented to the public at large for comment, criticism and eventual

The basic structure would probably require a computerised “hub” that would have no
political authority and would collect and collate the membership details of those
subscribing to the coalition. It would also act as a “switchboard”, passing on debates,
requests and arguments from various regional groupings to every coalition member
using perhaps a specially tailored social media platform.

Such a system should be wholly transparent and, to ensure this, checks and balances
would have to be put in place. What these should be and how they should operate
should be one of the subjects for debate should a national gathering come together to
seriously discuss this proposal.

Since the ANC, as the largest political organisation has not moved in this direction, perhaps the numerically larger groups such as osatu, the South African Council of Churches or other large trade union, religious or
community organisations, either alone or together, could arrange such a dialogue.

It seems vital that this is done because it seems that only an extension of democracy
will avoid still more suffering and desperation as the present, fundamentally
undemocratic, system attempts to claw its way back to stability.

It can do so, but only
at terrible cost to millions of people and to the further destruction of the natural
environment. The choice seems clear: an alternative is possible. Let’s build it.

Terry Bell

writing, editing, broadcast

@  Blog:


About selcoolie

see: briefly: Born in Cape Town, South Africa; moved to Sweden in1969 and completed studies in 1983, then moved to Norway and then to S.A. in 1993 - back to Norway in 2005, and been there ever since! E-mail: Web Page: zcommunications/zspace/selcool In My Own Words: ¨ South African born ex-academic now retired, exiled and beyond redemption? Interests South African political economy and history; International Socialism and Marxist/Anarchist thought; anti-militarism and ecological questions My draft autobiography (ALL the "closet secrets" in the open! @ Aslo view:


  1. selcoolie says :

    DECEMBER 20, 2012
    In the Wake of the Marikana Massacre: Politics, Profits and Policing in South Africa


    As the official South African judicial investigating commission into the Marikana Massacre draws to a close in 2012, with many weeks of testimony in 2013 still ahead, what did the SA Police Service (SAPS) learn from their behavior?

    SAPS Brigadier Zephania Mkhwanazi – who heads ‘public order policing’ and hence control of demonstrations – was asked this by commission chair Ian Farlam last week, and judging by his four answers, the SAPS have not begun to grasp the reality of the crime they committed on August 16:

    * First, “Operational commanders and overall commanders rely on tactical commanders to give information,” and the latter’s communications broke down, so “We need to work that.”

    * Second, Mkhwanazi recommended “less lethal” weapons in future. Teargas, stun grenades and water cannons were used to move thousands of wildcat-striking workers off the hill on the outskirts of Marikana where each day they had gathered. The semi-automatic rifles that killed 34 miners and wounded 78 others should be accompanied by “more options.”

    Reflecting police unpreparedness, while tear gas was being used on miners, forcing dozens of them down the mountain into a 5-meter gap in barbed wire where the first 16 were killed, the police were not issued with gas masks.

    * Third, the operation “could have been conducted at night when there were fewer protesters on the koppie.”

    * Fourth, the disarming of protesters was not attempted in the migrant labour hostels where wretched workers live in apartheid-era conditions.

    “It is important to know where firearms are kept,” said Mkhwanazi, yet “A hostel has a lot of rooms.” SAPS failed to search the hostels. (Actually, the police gave evidence of only one striking worker using a firearm against the police on August 16. The police suffered no casualties that day, although two of their members were killed by the same striking workers a few days earlier.)

    During a famous service delivery protest in the small farming town of Ficksburg more than a year earlier, the televised police murder of community leader Andries Tatane traumatised viewers and gave the police a bloody nose.

    Many other failed public-order policing experiences required a rethink, and in August, SAPS were on the verge of banning sometimes-lethal rubber bullets from their armaments.

    But a resurgence of gung-ho cowboy policing took hold under the ‘shoot to kill’ leadership of recent commissioner Bheki Cele, judging by the testimony of Mkhwanazi, who joined the old SA Police back in the bad old days of 1986, when P.W. Botha was at the peak of his racist tyranny and thousands were killed, injured or jailed by apartheid cops.

    Here are 19 other Marikana lessons that Mkhwanazi apparently didn’t consider:

    * Don’t shoot unarmed people dead, in their back, when they’re fleeing from you.

    * Don’t plant weapons on dead bodies to make it look like you were threatened before you murdered.

    * If 3000 people are on a mountain nowhere near Lonmin property and not blocking anybody or anything, just leave them there.

    * Don’t take orders from Lonmin’s Cyril Ramaphosa to break a strike and call it ‘D-Day’.

    * Don’t allow your leading on-the-scene official to suddenly become unavailable – even by phone – so that she can attend a purely political event.

    * Don’t claim a massacre was ‘appropriate force’ and that ‘maximum force’ was justified.

    * In a tumultuous setting, don’t cage people in with barbed wire.

    * Don’t send police to a scene if they are irrationally hyped up with intent for revenge.

    * Don’t demonise your victims.

    * Stop torturing people.

    * Stop intimidating people who are testifying to the investigating commission.

    * Don’t use the tactical response team, national intervention unit and special task force for crowd control.

    * Don’t hire police video experts who are old-guard idiots and don’t send them to the investigating commission with utterly useless tape.

    * Hire forensic investigators who know their job.

    * Stop banning peaceful marches by women.

    * If your troops are guilty of murdering unarmed people who are fleeing, then they should becharged and investigated as soon as possible instead of being told they did ‘the right thing’.

    * Don’t charge massacre survivors with murder under apartheid-era common purpose doctrine.

    * Don’t laugh and smile at video footage showing a massacre, especially if you are police commissioner.

    * For even an iota of credibility, don’t let your two prior police commissioners be corrupted by the mafia and real estate industry, or let your head of crime intelligence loot a police slush fund.

    If the head of the unit responsible is unable to consider such obvious reactions, then the vital tasks of analysis, contrition and reform will apparently not be undertaken within the SAPS.

    Meanwhile, Ramaphosa was elected deputy president of the ruling party and at some stage within the next 18 months, will take the #2 political position in the country.

    The firm in which he is the leading South African-based shareholder, Lonmin, continues to repatriate profits to London where in 1973 British Tory prime minister Edward Heath termed it ‘the unacceptable face of capitalism’.

    With the exception of a few whiners, big business is delighted that the ANC team elected at this week’s Mangaung leadership conference beat back the Julius Malema attack, and pose no fear of nationalizing anything.

    With a few exceptions, trade union leadership appears paralysed.

    And backed by a Communist Party whose roots and current shoots reek of Stalinism, the ruling party has re-elected a sloppy, ultra-hedonist leader who apparently can be bought by even the sleaziest French or German arms dealer.

    There’s a word for the political direction in which South Africa is headed, and it begins with F.

    Patrick Bond directs the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society in Durban.


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